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When the clapping started, it was impossible not to feel moved. At 8 p.m. on March 17, people across the Netherlands leaned out of windows and congregated on doorstops to make a show of support for medical workersbattling the coronavirus. First it was just a few claps, before the sound spread down my street in the Hague, working up to a crescendo of whistles and whoops.
當(dāng)掌聲響起時，無法不動容。3月17日晚上8點，荷蘭各地的人們從窗戶里探出頭來，聚集在門口，對抗擊冠狀病毒的醫(yī)護(hù)人員表示支持。剛開始只有幾聲掌聲，然后聲音就傳到了我在海牙住的那條街上，逐漸增強，變成了口哨和呼喊聲。
medical workers
white-robed nurse/doctor 白衣天使
nurse's aide 助理護(hù)士
probationer nurse 見習(xí)護(hù)士
obstetric nurse 助產(chǎn)護(hù)士
hospital nurse 病房護(hù)士
staff nurse 科室護(hù)士
head nurse 護(hù)士長
the forefront medical workers 一線醫(yī)護(hù)人員
A neighbor I had never spoken to waved from across the street. The warmth and goodwill was the epitome of what it means to be part of a community—a scene also playing out in Italy, Spain and France as stricken neighborhoods come together.
一個從未和我說過話的鄰居在街對面揮手。溫暖和善意是作為社區(qū)的一部分所代表意義的縮影——在意大利、西班牙和法國，當(dāng)受災(zāi)社區(qū)走到一起時，這一幕也在上演。
But these spontaneous acts of solidarity stand in stark contrast to what is happening among E.U. nations. The epicenter of the coronavirus moved from China to Europe in the first half of March, and governments turned on one another. The pillars that were meant to hold up the E.U.—the free movement of goods and people—crumpled, as borders went back up and panicked governments stockpiled medical supplies with little regard for their neighbors.
但這些自發(fā)的團(tuán)結(jié)行動與歐盟國家之間正在發(fā)生的事情形成了鮮明的對比。3月上半月，冠狀病毒的中心從中國轉(zhuǎn)移到歐洲，各國政府相互攻擊。這些支柱原本是用來支撐歐盟的——商品和人員的自由流動遭到破壞，邊境重新開放，驚慌失措的政府囤積醫(yī)療用品，對鄰國漠不關(guān)心。
coronavirus /k?,r?un?'vai?r?s/
n. 冠狀病毒；日冕形病毒
eg.As we tirelessly continue to battle the coronavirus, the response from those around the world leaves us, the Chinese people, deeply humble.
在我們堅持不懈抗擊疫情之時, 世界各地的反應(yīng)讓中國人深受感動。
When European Commission chief Ursula von der Leyen announced on March 17 that the bloc would shut its external borders for 30 days, it felt as if the E.U. was playing catch-up with the many unilateral closures that governments had already enforced. It didn't seem to be a coming together of like minds.
3月17日，歐盟委員會(European Commission)主席烏爾蘇拉·馮德萊恩(Ursula von der Leyen)宣布，歐盟將關(guān)閉30天的外部邊境，這讓人感覺，歐盟正在追趕各國政府已經(jīng)實施的許多單邊關(guān)閉措施。這似乎不是一群志同道合的人聚在一起。
When the E.U. is not in crisis mode, its leaders like to talk up its grand ideas, preaching to their 446 million citizens the narrative of diverse nations bound by a common set of values in a unique project bringing peace and prosperity to all. What is remarkable is how quickly those ideas can unravel.
當(dāng)歐盟沒有處于危機(jī)模式時，其領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人喜歡宣揚自己的宏偉構(gòu)想，向4.46億公民宣講不同國家的故事，這些國家被一套共同的價值觀束縛在一起，為所有人帶來和平與繁榮的一個獨一無二的項目。值得注意的是，這些想法很快就會瓦解。
unravel
英 /?n?rævl/ 美 /?n?rævl/
vt. 解開；闡明；解決；拆散
vi. 解決；散開
eg.The discovery will help scientists unravel the mystery of the Ice Age.
這一發(fā)現(xiàn)將有助于科學(xué)家揭開冰川時代的奧秘。
"The basic threshold of what it means to live in a community is that you have some collective responsibility to each other that goes beyond your self-interest—and there I have found it pretty shocking," says Chris Bickerton, an academic at Cambridge University and the author of The European Union: A Citizen's Guide. "It reveals that the political obligations of governments and leaders are really still national, [and] it seems very difficult to think of a common European identity under those circumstances."
劍橋大學(xué)的一位學(xué)者克里斯·比克頓（Chris Bickerton）（同時還是《歐洲聯(lián)盟：公民指南》的作者）表示：“生活在一個社區(qū)中的基本門檻是，你們彼此之間負(fù)有集體責(zé)任，這超出了個人利益，這讓我感到非常震驚。這表明政府和領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人的政治義務(wù)實際上仍然是國家的，而且在這種情況下，很難想到歐洲的共同身份。”
The coronavirus outbreak is the latest in a long line of crises that have thrust the E.U. into existential despair. The euro-zone crisis of 2008 first gave the lie to the dream of a pan-European solidarity, with wealthier nations loath to take any economic hit to come to the aid of struggling ones.
冠狀病毒的爆發(fā)是一連串的危機(jī)中最近的一次，這些危機(jī)已導(dǎo)致歐盟陷入困境。2008年的歐元區(qū)危機(jī)首先戳破了泛歐團(tuán)結(jié)的夢想，富裕國家不愿承受任何經(jīng)濟(jì)打擊來援助陷入困境的國家。
歐元危機(jī)
2008年10月金融危機(jī)爆發(fā)之際，冰島由于國家債務(wù)嚴(yán)重超負(fù)荷陷入國家破產(chǎn)狀態(tài)，之后歐元區(qū)成員國由于各自負(fù)債比例過高，相繼成為繼冰島國家破產(chǎn)之后的多米諾骨牌中的一張，希臘、愛爾蘭、葡萄牙、西班牙等國相繼陷入國債危急中。2009年10月20日浮出水面的希臘債務(wù)危機(jī)為歐元危機(jī)正式拉開了序幕。
The refugee crisis of 2015 exacerbated this. As 1 million people arrived at E.U. borders seeking sanctuary, governments turned against each other; there was little support for nations like Italy and Greece on the front line of the crisis.
2015年的難民危機(jī)加劇了這一情況。100萬人抵達(dá)歐盟邊境尋求庇護(hù)時，各國政府相互對立；意大利和希臘等處在危機(jī)前沿的國家?guī)缀醯貌坏街С帧?/span>
The coronavirus has arrived at a time when the effects of those emergencies still linger and threatens to be the final blow for the grand idea of a politically unified E.U. taking a leading role on the world stage. "This very much fits together with all of the issues around the other crises," says Susi Dennison, a senior policy fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations. "Do we want to be a Europe that is globally engaged and gets things done through cooperation, or is the nationalist rhetoric more powerful?"
冠狀病毒到來之時，這些緊急情況的影響仍在持續(xù)，可能會對政治上統(tǒng)一的歐盟在世界舞臺上發(fā)揮領(lǐng)導(dǎo)作用的宏偉構(gòu)想造成最后一擊。歐洲外交關(guān)系委員會(European Council on Foreign Relations)高級政策研究員蘇西•丹尼森(Susi Dennison)表示:“這與其它危機(jī)中的所有問題非常吻合。”“我們是希望成為一個全球參與、通過合作解決問題的歐洲，還是希望民族主義言論更有力?”
The warning signs came early.
警告信號來得很早。
As Italy became the first E.U. nation to suffer huge increases in cases and deaths, Rome appealed to fellow member states for medical equipment. Not one country volunteered this assistance, each government keen to hoard its supplies for when the virus came for its own citizens. Some countries, including Germany, banned the export of crucial medical supplies, flouting E.U. norms on the free flow of goods.
隨著意大利成為第一個病例和死亡人數(shù)大幅增加的歐盟國家，羅馬向其他成員國請求醫(yī)療設(shè)備。沒有一個國家自愿提供這種援助，每個國家的政府都急于囤積物資，以備病毒襲擊本國公民之需。包括德國在內(nèi)的一些國家禁止關(guān)鍵醫(yī)療用品的出口，無視歐盟有關(guān)商品自由流動的規(guī)定。
hoard 英 /h??d/ 美 /h??rd/
n. 貯存（品），秘藏（品）；古代寶庫；情報（庫）
v. 貯藏（錢財或貴重物品）；（在某物匱乏時）積斂；儲存（以備后用）
n. (Hoard) （美）霍爾德（人名）
eg.Indeed, when governments start to hoard food out of panic, the panic itself stokes furtherinflationary fears.確實如此，在政府出于恐慌開始囤積糧食時，民眾的恐慌則會進(jìn)一步加劇對通貨膨脹的恐懼”。
Then came a series of unilateral decisions on shutting E.U. borders, apparently with no coordination. France's Emmanuel Macron labeled early closures by Austria and Slovenia "bad decisions," reflecting an ill will going back to 2015, when many European countries shut borders to keep migrants out.
然后是一系列單方面關(guān)閉歐盟邊境的決定，顯然沒有經(jīng)過協(xié)調(diào)。法國的埃馬紐埃爾·馬克龍(Emmanuel Macron)將奧地利和斯洛文尼亞提前關(guān)閉邊境的做法稱為“糟糕的決定”，這要追溯到歐洲國家自2015年以來的惡意，當(dāng)時許多歐洲國家關(guān)閉邊境，將移民拒之門外。
With some borders left open, however, the effectiveness of differing approaches was called into question. For example, Belgium closed all schools, nurseries, cafés and restaurants on March 12, but in the Netherlands, they remained open. So Belgians living in border areas simply popped next door for their beer and frites. When the Dutch finally announced that schools, nurseries, bars and restaurants would close three days later, Health Minister Bruno Bruins blamed the Belgian "café tourism."
然而，隨著一些邊界的開放，不同方法的有效性受到了質(zhì)疑。例如，比利時在3月12日關(guān)閉了所有的學(xué)校、托兒所、咖啡館和餐館，但在荷蘭，這些地方仍然開放。因此，居住在邊境地區(qū)的比利時人還是到隔壁去買啤酒和炸薯條。當(dāng)荷蘭人最終宣布學(xué)校、托兒所、酒吧和餐館將在三天后關(guān)閉時，衛(wèi)生部長布魯諾·布魯因斯(Bruno Bruins)將其歸咎于比利時的“咖啡館旅游”。
As the E.U. institutions struggle to find their role, it may well create a vacuum for populist and nationalist forces to thrive, as they did after the euro-zone crisis and the refugee crisis. Far-right figures have tried to exploit the coronavirus, with Matteo Salvini of the League in Italy implying migrant boats brought the virus and Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban speaking of a "clear link" with illegal migration, despite no evidence to back up either claim.
在歐盟機(jī)構(gòu)努力尋找自己的角色之際，這很可能會為民粹主義和民族主義力量的壯大創(chuàng)造一個真空，就像在歐元區(qū)危機(jī)和難民危機(jī)之后所做的那樣。極右翼人士試圖利用這種冠狀病毒。意大利聯(lián)盟(League)的馬特奧•薩爾維尼(Matteo Salvini)暗示，是移民船只攜帶了這種病毒，而匈牙利總理維克托•歐爾班(Viktor Orban)表示，這種病毒與非法移民有“明顯的聯(lián)系”，盡管并沒有證據(jù)支持這兩種說法。
refugee 英 /?refju?d?i?/ 美 /?refju?d?i?/
n. 難民，避難者；流亡者，逃亡者復(fù)數(shù) refugees
refugee camp 難民營
political/economic refugees
政治避難者；由于經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)而造成的難民
eg.This means that the Palestinian refugee problem will be resolved outside the borders ofIsrael.
這意味著，巴勒斯坦難民問題將在以色列的邊界之外解決。
But it is not clear if it will work, in the short term. Recent polling from Italy suggests a small drop in support for the League since the start of the coronavirus crisis. People are looking to governments for advice they trust, not opportunistic politicians without access to all the facts, says Dennison. "The power of being an opposition force, which populists are so good at playing on, loses some of its potency."
但目前尚不清楚這在短期內(nèi)是否會奏效。意大利最近的民意調(diào)查顯示，自冠狀病毒危機(jī)開始以來，聯(lián)賽的支持率略有下降。丹尼森說，人們正在向政府尋求他們信任的建議，而不是向無法了解所有事實的機(jī)會主義政客尋求建議。“民粹主義者非常善于利用反對黨的力量，但這種力量的影響力正在減弱。”
This could change after the peak of the crisis, as nations start to recover and people reflect on whether their governments fought for them or failed them. "Then there will be so much scope for people's grievances to be played on," Dennison adds.
隨著各國經(jīng)濟(jì)開始復(fù)蘇，人們開始反思他們的政府是為他們而戰(zhàn)還是讓他們失望，這可能會在危機(jī)高峰之后改變。丹尼森補充說:“這樣一來，人們的不滿就會有很大的發(fā)揮空間。”
To seize the upper hand, the E.U. needs to work out how its institutions can add value and show they have a purpose in times of crisis—especially as both health and internal border controls lie outside their mandate. One option might be a pan-E.U. economic package for those struggling to withstand the financial impact. "What will be required is a massive economic stimulus," says Philippe Lamberts, a co-president of the Greens in the European Parliament.
為了占據(jù)上風(fēng)，歐盟需要解決如何增加其機(jī)構(gòu)的價值，并在危機(jī)時期顯示其目的——尤其是在衛(wèi)生和內(nèi)部邊境控制都不在其職權(quán)范圍之內(nèi)的情況下。泛歐聯(lián)盟可能是一種選擇。為那些難以承受金融沖擊的人提供經(jīng)濟(jì)援助。歐洲議會綠黨聯(lián)合主席菲利普•蘭博茨表示:“我們需要的是大規(guī)模的經(jīng)濟(jì)刺激。”
國際泛歐聯(lián)盟
國際泛歐聯(lián)盟主張的設(shè)想是由理查德·尼古拉斯·馮·康登霍維-凱勒奇伯爵首先提出的，他在《Paneuropa》中提出了一個統(tǒng)一的歐洲國家（European State）的設(shè)想。
該組織的既定目標(biāo)是建立一個非"虛無主義，無神論和不道德消費(nihilism, atheism and immoral consumerism)"的歐洲基督教聯(lián)合體。它獨立于所有政黨存在，但有著自己的原則，借此對政治家、政黨和其他機(jī)構(gòu)作出評價。
國際泛歐聯(lián)盟的四大原則為：
· 自由主義（liberalism）
· 基督教義（christianity）
· 社會責(zé)任（social responsibility）
· 親歐洲主義（pro-Europeanism）
Once again it will come back to the union's central conundrum: Should the E.U. integrate and intervene more in its members' affairs or leave matters to national governments? The coronavirus may undermine the argument for a more ambitious pan European cohesion, Bickerton says. "For those who want to build on this, it seems to me to be a very difficult crisis to overcome."
這將再次回到歐盟的核心難題:歐盟是應(yīng)該更多地整合和干預(yù)成員國的事務(wù)，還是把事情留給各國政府?比克頓說，冠狀病毒可能會破壞建立一個更有雄心的泛歐洲凝聚力的論點。“對那些希望在此基礎(chǔ)上繼續(xù)發(fā)展的人來說，我認(rèn)為這是一場非常難以克服的危機(jī)。”
None of these fundamental questions are on our minds right now, as we try to navigate daily childcare and trips to depleted supermarkets. One day, the crisis will end, but E.U. soul-searching seems destined to continue for some time.
這些基本問題現(xiàn)在都不在我們的腦海里，因為我們每天都要照顧孩子，還要去人滿為患的超市。總有一天，危機(jī)會結(jié)束，但歐盟的自我反省似乎注定要持續(xù)一段時間。
